4th Grade Math Lesson on Factor Trees

Students create a factor tree with numbers between 1 and 100. Grade Level Fourth Grade Duration   One class period, 45 minutes in length Materials blackboard or whiteboardpaper for students to write onIf you prefer a more artistic touch, copies with four evergreen tree shapes per page Key Vocabulary   factor, multiple, prime number, multiply, divide. Objectives In this lesson, students will create factor trees. Standards Met 4.OA.4: Find all factor pairs for a whole number in the range 1-100. Recognize that a whole number is a multiple of each of its factors. Determine whether a given whole number in the range 1-100 is a multiple of a given one-digit number. Determine whether a given whole number in the range 1-100 is prime or composite. Lesson Introduction   Decide ahead of time whether or not you wish to do this as part of a holiday assignment. If you prefer not to connect this to winter and/or the holiday season, skip Step #3 and references to the holiday season. Step-by Step Procedure Discuss learning target—to identify all of the factors of 24 and other numbers between 1 and 100.Review with students the definition of a factor. And why do we need to know the factors of a particular number? As they get older, and have to work more with fractions with like and unlike denominators, factors grow increasingly important.Draw a simple evergreen tree shape at the top of the board. Tell students that one of the best ways to learn about factors is by using a tree shape.Begin with the number 12 at the top of the tree. Ask students what two numbers can be multiplied together to get the number 12. For example, 3 and 4. Underneath the number 12, write 3 x 4. Reinforce with students that they have now found two factors of the number 12.Now let’s examine the number 3. What are the factors of 3? What two numbers can we multiply together to get 3? Students should come up with 3 and 1.Show them on the board that if we put down the factors 3 and 1, then we would be cont inuing this work forever. When we get to a number where the factors are the number itself and 1, we have a prime number and we are done factoring it. Circle the 3 so that you and your students know that they are done.Draw their attention back to the number 4. What two numbers are factors of 4? (If students volunteer 4 and 1, remind them that we aren’t using the number and itself. Are there any other factors?)Below the number 4, write down 2 x 2.Ask students if there are any other factors to consider with the number 2. Students should agree that these two numbers are â€Å"factored out†, and should be circled as prime numbers.Repeat this with the number 20. If your students seem confident about their factoring abilities, have them come to the board to mark the factors.If it is appropriate to refer to Christmas in your classroom, ask student which number they think has more factors–24 (for Christmas Eve) or 25 (for Christmas Day)? Conduct a factor tree contest wit h half of the class factoring 24 and the other half factoring 25. Homework/Assessment   Send students home with a tree worksheet or a blank sheet of paper and the following numbers to factor: 10099514036 Evaluation   At the end of math class, give your students a quick Exit Slip as an assessment. Have them pull a half sheet of paper out of a notebook or binder and factor the number 16. Collect those at the end of math class and use that to guide your instruction the next day. If most of your class is successful at factoring 16, make a note to yourself to meet with the small group that is struggling. If many students have trouble with this one, try to provide some alternate activities for the students who understand the concept and reteach the lesson to the larger group.

The Assessment Of Rural Nursing - 2138 Words

Rural Nursing in Bowen This essay will discuss how and why Bowen is classified on the Accessibility/Remoteness index as a rural town in Queensland, Australia according to Smith, (2007. A profile of Bowen including the demographics, geographics, environmental and cultural characteristics of the small town will be explored. The health of the population will be looked at and how the profile of Bowen relates directly to the health impacts of Bowen’s residents. Employment and related health issues will be explored along with the added health concerns due to the tropical climate. Following this I will discuss the nursing theories and how they relate to the Registered Nurse in a rural town. Models of Care will be explored next with main focus on The Patient Centred Care approach which is significant to Bowen. Furthermore, the role of the registered nurse and how they plan and manage their day to day activities along with the multi-disciplinary teams will be discussed. Specific knowledge that the registered nurse in Bowen requires and the clinical skills needed will be supported with nursing practice examples specific to Bowen. Lastly a personal reflection of how I believe my current skills and knowledge will be beneficial to me working as a student nurse in Bowen. I will provide examples of how I may apply these skills to practice. The Accessibility/Remoteness Index of Australia (ARIA) is used to define the rural or remoteness of a location within Australia, Bowen is categorisedShow MoreRelatedThe Seeds Of Nursing Should Be Planted Within The Heads, Hearts And Minds Of Youth Essay1340 Words   |  6 PagesAction Steps The seeds of nursing must be planted in the heads, hearts and minds of youth. Seeing one’s self as a nurse, or a reflection of who you are in a nurse role, is important as children develop ideas about what they want to be when they grow up. 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French Revolution Free Essays

The Looks of Liberty Revolutionary leaders during the French Revolution realized that symbols, flags, colors, and cartoons had huge impact on politics and the beliefs of the French people. The symbols, flags, colors, and cartoons provided the revolutionaries and the French people an opportunity to define themselves and their revolution while showing loyalty to the nation. The symbols, clothes, flags, and art stood for not just what their role in the French revolution was, but the symbols, flags, and colors demonstrated what the individual’s beliefs were at this time of the Revolution. We will write a custom essay sample on French Revolution or any similar topic only for you Order Now This is important because the symbols obviously meant a great deal to the French Revolution and who represented the Republic. Symbols of the French Revolution exist still today the flying of our nation’s flag, wearing the colors of our nation, and symbols that represent our nation. Revolutionaries showed these symbols for reasons I want to take a deeper look as to why these symbols, flags, colors, and cartoons meant to the revolutionaries’ lives during the French Revolution. I want to know why the Liberty Cap was symbolic and where did it come from.Why did the French citizens hang flags outside their doors to show nationalism? And what if the French citizens not show or demonstrate the Republic through symbols? Overall I want to look at why these symbols represented the French Revolution like it did and what these symbols represented to the Revolutionaries. Symbols Symbols were important to the revolutionaries in many ways. Symbols stood for liberty, nationalism, and freedom from the monarchical government that France had. The revolutionaries showed a need to eliminate the symbols of monarchy from the French citizen’s imagination. In this process of the revolutionaries getting rid of the symbols of monarchy they had to find their own symbolic image that represented the revolutionaries during the revolution. In order for the revolutionaries to find their symbols it was thought that the monarchy symbols had to be destroyed first. With this in mind Henri Gregoire said, â€Å" We must fully reassure the friends of liberty: it is necessary to destroy this word king, which is still a talisman whose magical force can serve to stupefy many men.I demand therefore that by a solemn law you consecrate the abolition of royalty† This quote from Henri Gregoire gives a great look into the strong hatred of the monarchy and why the symbols were so important. Flag The flag during the French revolution meant a great deal to the people of France. Taking a closer look at why the revolutionaries asked the people to raise and hang their flags outside their homes could answer questions as why the flags were important in the fir st place. In the article written by Fre? ron, while Fre? on is talking to the citizens of France he says â€Å"Arise then, form up in ranks, unfurl your flags, and led by La Fayette and animated by liberty, your will be invincible! † (Peuple, 1791) This shows a revolutionary telling the people to get up and open up their flags and nothing will be able to hurt them, and that there is other French citizens hanging up their flags too. By Fre? ron saying, â€Å"unfurl your flags and animated by liberty,† it shows that the flag has great meaning in loyalty and nationalism. Still the question arises as why the revolutionaries asked the people to raise the flag and have it be seen outside their homes?It is answered with by upholding the flag and posting it outside your house not only shows the side that the French people are on but showing loyalty and liberty to the monarchical government. To reassure this notion Robespierre delivered a speech asking some of the same things of the citizens of France. Robespierre said, â€Å"This call shall invite every citizen, men and women alike, to immediately adorn their houses with the beloved colors of liberty, either by rehanging their flags, or by embellishing their houses with garlands of flowers and greenery. (La Convetion nationale, 1794) This proves that revolutionaries just did not want to show loyalty and liberty by wearing tri colors or symbols, but the revolut ionaries wanted nationalism in every way. When asking does waving the flag mean the same thing as hanging a flag outside my house today? No, during this time in the France’s history there was a revolution and by hanging a flag resembled what side citizens were on either the revolutionaries who wanted liberty or wanted the King. Liberty Tree and CapThe liberty tree and the liberty cap were both shown in many pictures of the Revolutionaries, but what did these symbols have to do with the Republic? There were many symbols and objects that represented more than just a hat, plate, or tree during the French Revolution. Symbols and colors had a lot to do with the way people of the French revolution carried themselves. For the people of the French Revolution many things were not just things they showed what that individual represented and how the individual wanted to be perceived. Everything had meaning and stood for something.People’s dress and objects they had represented their role and beliefs towards the nation. One cartoon that shows the distinction of the two different types of citizens through the government’s view was â€Å"active and passive citizens. † (active and passive citizen, 2001) In this cartoon it is from the anti revolutionists that want to split the two different types of revolutionaries. The two types are ones with land and ones without land. In the cartoon the nobility are showing that the only the revolutionaries who had land could participate in political process.With that cartoon I believed the revolutionaries proved the government and the nobility work by their clothes and symbols they revolutionaries carried around, revolutionaries wanted liberty no matter if they had land or not. There were many items that the revolutionaries shared to show their nationalism. One way to show nationalism in your house hold was to have plates that resembled liberty. The revolutionaries had plates that showed very detail in what the plate represented. In the plate (â€Å"Plate: 1914–17 Quimper china†) there is many representation on revolutionaries symbols.Plates usually had the tricolors of red, white and blue. They also very vivid art on the plates with paintings of the liberty hat for example the plate referenced. But why and how did a plate represent revolutionaries and liberty. It showed how the French citizens viewed showing patriotism. By having plates and symbols within their home, it gave them a since of pride and nationalism that they could represent. Not all people had a voice the politics and show their nationalism, but by people representing it among themselves was showing they support the revolution and liberty. How to cite French Revolution, Papers French Revolution Free Essays French Revolution Free Essays At the end of Frances revolution in 1799, the French citizens got what they wanted. Starting with the storming of the Bastille, the French revolution lasted three years. With the revolution finally coming to an end, the French people got a new leader that they long awaited, a new government and constitution, and all together a whole different country. We will write a custom essay sample on French Revolution or any similar topic only for you Order Now While at the time, people were arguing whether or not the revolution was a necessary event. A little bit more than two hundred years later, we now know that it was a necessary event. The French revolution was a necessary event, because there was widespread hunger that needed to be changed, they got rid of a king and queen that was disloyal to their country, and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was written. During and before the French Revolution, hunger was everywhere. In Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, Dickens shows how bad the situation in France was by saying â€Å"†¦ was the sigh, Hunger. IT was prevalent everywhere. Hunger was pushed out of the tall houses, in the wretched clothing that hung upon poles and lines; Hunger was patched into them with straw and rag and wood and paper; Hunger was repeated in every fragment of the small modicum of firewood that the man sawed off; Hunger stared to eat. Hunger was the inscription on the baker’s shelves, written in every small loaf of his scanty stock of bad bread; at the sausage-shop, in every dead-dog preparation that was offered for sale. Hunger rattled its dry bones among the roasting chestnuts in the turned cylinder; Hunger was shred into atomics in every farthing porringer of husky chips of potato, fried with some reluctant drops of oil (Dickens 34, source D). † Also, with the prices of bread rising, most people relied on what they can grow; they sometimes even ate grass, to keep them alive. With a King and Queen that only cared about themselves, there is no doubt that hunger is the first reason why the French Revolution was a necessary event. Along with the hunger that made the French Revolution necessary, The Declaration of The Rights of Man and of The Citizen also made it a necessary event. It was a necessary event, because it was saying that they wanted a new government and wanted to get rid of the current government. It also gave citizens many new rights, including: â€Å"1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good. 2. The aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, security, and resistance to oppression. (source A). † Those are only two of the total seventeen rights. This is a good thing that came out of the revolution, and the second reason why it was a necessary event. With all of the hunger and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen making the French revolution a necessary event, the overthrow of the King and Queen also made it necessary. With the young King and Queen barely 20 years old, it was almost guaranteed that they didn’t know how to run a country. This excerpt from a handout about Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette, called â€Å"The Ancien Regime,† shows how little the King was prepared to run the country. â€Å"Louis XVI, a member of the Bourbon family, was neither intelligent, hardworking, nor firm of purpose (Lacey, source G). It was only an amount of time when they finally executed King Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. The killing of the King and Queen is the last reason why the French Revolution was a necessary event. Starting with the storming of the Bastille, the French Revolution lasted about ten years. During this period, France got a new leader, government, and a whole new country. While many people would argue that was not a necessary event, we now know that is was, because there was a widespread hunger that needed to be put to an end, the Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen was written, and they got rid a King and Queen that cared only about themselves. The pros of the French revolution outweigh the cons, making the French Revolution a necessary event. Works Cited â€Å"Declaration of the Rights of Man-1789. † The Avalon Project. 2008 Lillian Goldman Law Library. 22 July 2009. Web. Dickens, Charles. A Tale of Two Cities New York: Signet Classic, 2007. Print. Lacey, Robert, ed. â€Å"The Ancien Regime† The French Revolution Jackdaw Portfolio No. 147 Amawalk, NY: Jackdaw Publication, 1976. Print. How to cite French Revolution, Essay examples French Revolution Free Essays Do you agree with the idea that French revolution ushered in an era of a new political cultural explicate. Keith baker defines the term revolution as ‘a transformation of discursive practice of the community, a moment in which social relations are reconstituted and the discourse defining the political relations between individuals and group of radically recast. ’(3) According to Albert soboul, the French revolution is situated in the very heart of the history of the contemporary world. We will write a custom essay sample on French Revolution or any similar topic only for you Order Now A classic bourgeois revolution, it represented- by the uncompromising abolition of feudalism and the seigniorial regime- the starting point for the capitalist society and a liberal representative system in the history of France. Gary Kate has divided the recent historians of the French revolution into Marxist on the left, ‘neo conservatives’ on the right and ‘neo liberal’ in the centre. Marxist endorses the entire revolution . neo liberals supports the early, less violent stages of the revolution and neo conservatives deploring it together. The Marxist interpretation on the French revolution can be summarized in the following manner: it was not simply a political struggle from (evil) absolute monarchy to (good) democratic republicanism but represented a deeper shift from feudalism to capitalism. The revolution was led by an alliance between a bourgeois elite and popular class, against the landowning nobility. Liberals or Whigs believes that French revolution was important to move the French and the European from a pre modern to a modern society. This fraction has been paralysed because of inter conflict. The virtues of revolutionary change were the declaration of the right of man and citizens, abolition of feudalism, reorganisation of judiciary and administration. Neo conservatives projected the whole idea of revolutionary change as illiberal. The neo conservative thinkers have their own pet history of the French revolution. Jacob talmon says that the French state became a totalitarian democracy during terror. The history given by the Talmon was attacked by the liberal historians(7). Talmon and Furet’s history has much in common. Both of them see a direct line from Rousseau though Sieyes to Robespierre. Both of them see the terror an essence of the revolution. Neo liberal historians argue that the revolution was primarily not a failure. They say that the revolutionaries destroyed the ancien regime and restructured the society that made the 19th century liberal state possible. According to them class should be defined not by political interests but by profession and social interests. Alphonse aulard was awarded the first chair of the history of the French revolution at the Sorbonne. According to aulard the abuses of the monarchy was responsible and justifiable for the violent uprising of the 1789. The constitution of the 1719, according to aulard provided the monarchy with too much power. The revolution reached halfway because of people like Danton and other activists in Paris. Aulard says that it was their efforts which led to insurrection of 10th august 1792 and the declaration of France’s first democratic republic based on universal make suffrage. It was the peak point of the revolution according to aulard. After the World War 1, another historian Albert matheiz, a student of aulard, gave his theory on the French revolution. He says that Danton was a corrupt bourgeois politician. He was in favour of Robespierre. He argues that the life of most Parisians was improved during the time of terror. Robespierre was not a dictator according to matheiz. He was the democratic politician who was working according to the demands of the workers. He also founded a society by the name of society of Robespierrist studies; this society also published their own scholarly journal, annales. He also links the Bolshevik revolution to the French revolution. George Lefebvre (1874-1959), albert soboul (1914-1982) and Michel vovelle(b. 1933) were hugely inspired by the writings of albert matheiz. Crane brinton, a Harvard historian says that the revolution was constructed by ‘moderates ‘who fought the forces of the ancient regimes and constructed a government based on noble virtues of liberty and equality. He say that the Jacobins contained of rich and poor on the basis of tax records recording and they were bond together because of ‘a philosophy, an ideology, a faith and a loyalty. Alfred cobban brings in a view which was different then that of Marxist historians. He is doubtful about the fact that the revolution was led by a rising bourgeoisie. He also says that only 13% of the population that was involved in the revolution was of the merchant class or financier class. The leaders of the revolution came from the local, petty public officials and the likes, the people who had no connection with the regime. According to cobban the revolution was social in nature. Francois Furet wrote an article denouncing what he called the revolutionary catechism by which Marxist historians explained the revolution. He presented a sophisticated theory of the revolution’s origins and character. By depriving the old corporate structure of the society of their power, according to this theory, the crown induced its subject to grant moral authority to the ‘men of letters’ he completed the analysis of the revolutions origins by describing the channels by which the new revolutionary ideology came to permeate French society. Furet says that the ideas of enlightened scholars such as jean-Jacques Rousseau were the nucleus of the revolution. Furet writes that, the revolution embraced a radical ideology of popular sovereignty so that any abuse of power could be excluded so long as it was achieved in the name of the people. (1) Roger Chartier calls for an ‘enlargement of perspective’ that included the analysis of other practices. Itâ€⠄¢s not sufficient to study ideology and instead he calls for ‘an approach in the terms of cultural sociology. ’ He expands the field of investigation by adapting the insights from Jurgen Habermas. He do not believe that the forms of intellectual sociability or the institution of public sphere themselves produced democratic or radical ideas. (4) According to baker, the revolution’s free fall into rousseauian democracy was not the product of 1792-3, when the nation was at war, but was the result of deliberate decisions made by the national assembly as early as the summer of 1789. According to baker the terror occurred not only because of what happened in 1792 or 1793, but because of the way in which political power and violence had been reconceptualized in 1789(6). For baker the relationship between ideas and events is not as straight forward as often suggested. Baker always criticises the historians for treating the ideas as they were capable of influencing actions. According to him the perceived influence of ideas on events is an illusion. He says that the proper object of the intellectual history is therefore the way in which people have used particular kind of statements to make particular claims. These ways of instruments, of making claims baker calls ‘discourse’. (2) One of the recent significant trends of the French revolution is of the women’s and gender history. Joan Scott believes that feminists beginning with Olympe De Gouges have been handicapped by the political terms that defined liberation as the right of ‘man’. She challenged the exclusion of woman from the right of man, she argued on the basis of features of that woman alone possessed or was though to possess. Scott observed that citizens were seen as an active, free, rational and concerned with public good, attributes typically associated with men, while woman were defined preoccupied with private or domestic concerns and also emotional and dependent. It was American feminists because of whom history started taking into account the fate of women in history in the year 1979; three American feminists published a collection of documents discussing the women in the French revolution. The new research made us realize that woman also paid a huge role in the French revolution. Benefiting from the advances made in other fields, historians have become interested in how the revolutionaries refashioned the gender role for both man and woman and how ideas regarding manhood and womanhood influenced the way revolutionary statesman conceived of the new regime(8). Lynn hunt is one the best feminist historian that one could think of in this regard. In her study she explores why the Jacobins replaced Marianne with Hercules as the anthropomorphic symbol of French nation. Revisionist and the new feminist scholar’s shares two essential attitudes about the revolution: both groups think that the revolution marked one step backward in the woman’s right and both gave credence to the ideas of Rousseau- it was his idea that gave rise to the new notion of female domesticity(9). Religion and revolution is also a part of this debate. One of the major historians in this regard is Dale Van Kley. In his article, ‘church state and the ideological origins of the French revolution: the debate over the general assembly of the gallican clergy in 1765’, he argues that many of the political ideas that would characterize the revolutionary and the post revolutionary period developed in the pre-revolutionary disputes between believing Catholics over the proper organization of the French church. His interpretation of the religious roots of the revolutionary and the post revolutionary political thought emphasizes continuities. Another historian Mona Ozous explains the phenomena of revolutionary festivals. She says that the revolutionaries after attacking the traditional catholic worship as ‘fanatical and supportive of tyranny, understood the need to replace the old form of religious life with new doctrine and symbols and above all rituals. She believes that the revolutionary festivals provide the sense of scared that Catholicism had previously furnished. She emphasizes that the revolutionary festivals manifested the sense of inauguration and beginning (5). She says in the rituals of the new festival people found a conviction that the humanity was moving from a unhappy past to an entirely new period of history. She also considers Freud in her analysis of the revolutionary festivals. Freud understood festivals as moment of transgression. Points at which the normal rules governing social behaviour were violated. Freud has been criticized by Ozous. END NOTES: 1) Conceptualizing the French revolution: problems and methods. Page number 3. 2) Conceptualizing the French revolution: problems and methods. Page number 10. ) Conceptualizing the French revolution: problems and methods. Page number 13. 4) Conceptualizing the French revolution: problems and methods. Page number 15. 5) Conceptualizing the French revolution: problems and methods. Page number 20. 6) The French revolution: introduction by Gary Kates. Page number 8. 7) The French revolution: introduction by Gary Kates. Page number 10. 8) The French revolution: introduction by Gary Kates. Page number 13. 9) French revolution: introduction by Gary Kates. Page number 15. Dimple Bhati 279 History hons 3rd year b How to cite French Revolution, Essay examples

Easier Said Than Done free essay sample

After seeing Obama’s first term and the various foreign policy issues he has faced, there are ways Obama has kept his promise and distance from the Bush administration, but he has also continued several key components of the â€Å"Bush Doctrine,† being unable to ‘walk his talk. ’ I argue that in the case of drone usage as a form of imminent threat defense, Obama is using legal defense started by the Bush administration and continuing to arm Unmanned Aerial Vehicle’s (UAV’s) in order to wage war on terrorism. However, the current president has moved away from Bush’s reliance on unilateralism to solve world conflict, especially in Libya. I will first introduce the legality of the use of drones and how Obama has built off Bush-era arguments, and then move to Libya and highlight the current administrations push for multilateralism in a post-Bush world. In order to provide a short roadmap of the essay to follow, I’ll provide a short summary of the necessary points. First, I will discuss Obama’s continuation of Bush’s use of drones in war. The continuation is based on the legal principle Bush created which enabled this use, a principle Obama has stood behind. Second, I will detail a divergence Obama’s administration took from Bush’s policies in the form of multilateralist approaches to foreign conflict. The definition I have used for multilateralism is a campaign or intervention is a campaign or intervention with shared responsibility amongst several different parties or nations. In the case of Bush, his policy are seen as more unilateral, or operations led substantially by only one group without committed cooperation from other groups. There are several examples of this throughout the last four years, so I will focus on solely the Libyan intervention for brevity. Then I will wrap everything up in a short conclusion. Building a case for drone usage in the War on Terror was very much a cornerstone of the 43rd President of the United States. During a speech at West Point, Bush warned, â€Å"if we wait for threats to fully materialize, we will have waited too long. † (11) Beginning in 2004 as part of the â€Å"Bush Doctrine,† drone strikes have been carried out in Northwest Pakistan and areas of Yemen and Somalia as a means to limit American casualties. 3) According to current CIA director John Brennan: â€Å"They dramatically reduce the danger to US personnel and to innocent civilians, especially considered against massive ordnance that can cause injury and death far beyond the intended target. † (9) Due to the elimination of risk to human life drones provide, the number of drone strikes has incre ased exponentially since Obama took office, soaring from a five year total of 44 in five Bush years to 200 in three years under Obama. (4) Using this defense as a military strategy, there is little argument drone strikes can keep American soldiers safer. What allowed for a true continuance of unmanned air strikes is the legal precedent that Bush was able to establish and hand down to Obama. With recent concern caused by the drone killing of American-born cleric Anwar al-Awlaki, Congress has put Obama’s legal defense to the test. The strikes are defended in two forums, one solid and the other fairly grey. In the instance of targeting Al-Qaeda, the mutual state of war with their organization allows for any and all uses of forces in order to defeat enemy combatants. The second defense comes from the imminent threat aspect of international self-defense. According to international law, the United States is given the chance to step in when it considers itself to be â€Å"under the immediate threat of enemy attack. † (1) Considering the subjective power that is placed in the hands of the CIA, imminent threat has drawn the sharpest criticisms. Stepping to Obama’s defense in the case of al-Awlaki was a surprising ally in John Yoo, the Bush administration lawyer who authored legal memos for the war on terror, stating â€Å"If an American joins an nemy with which we are at war, he is or she is a valid target as an enemy combatant. Thats been the rule throughout our history. † (2) Even though the use of drone strikes has been its most controversial in the past two months of Obama’s presidency, it is a military strategy in place since the Bush administration. Despite the similarities between the 21st century’s first two presidents, there are also some deep rifts between their approaches to foreign diplomacy. Bush’s policies are widely viewed as fundamentally unilateral, especially when you dig past the surface of symbolic gesture and look for the substantive actions. From the same speech at West Point mentioned earlier, Bush is quoted, â€Å"we cannot put our faith in the word of tyrants, who solemnly sign non-proliferation treaties, and then systemically break them†¦ (our security will require) a military that must be ready to strike at a moments notice in any dark corner of the world. (11) This mistrust of nations other than his own portrays Bush in a way that appears unwilling to compromise early on in his presidency, especially in the 2003 Iraq War. The U. S. took on the most risk and covered the most costs in what would historically be considered as an argument against unilateralism. The predecessor to this war was Afghanistan, another equally unpopular war during Bush’s time. You could argue that Bush pursued a multilateralist policy with this conflict, rallying post-9/11 support from more than a dozen allies. However, what initially looks like a team approach to Afghanistan actually falters after two points. First, you have the tragedy of the Twin Towers, an act of terrorism which shook the entire western world into action. Alliances were upheld without any sort of effort from the Bush administration. Second, Bush’s multilateralist approach was symbolic early on but when push came to shove, his administration resorted to taking business into its own hands, especially as commitments from other nations began to fade with escalation. The unpopular public reaction to these wars most likely influenced Obama, who staunchly opposed the Bush administrations decision-making in Iraq. Addressing the U. N. General Assembly in 2009, Mr. Obama urged, â€Å"Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world’s problems alone. We have sought in word and deed a new era of engagement with the world, and now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges. (13) An early critic of Bush’s brutish approach to foreign affairs, Obama fired shots in 2008 during his campaign: â€Å"instead of tough talk and no action, we need to do what Kennedy, Nixon and Reagan did and use all elements of American power — including tough, principled, and direct diplomacy. † (12) This multi-lateral and cooperative approach to foreign relations is a push by the Obama administration to re-establish poor ties with nations critical to the United States reinforcing its dominance. One of his first moves towards this was the Combined Task Force, assembled to combat piracy in the Gulf of Aden in August 2008. The US, Russia, France, China, Japan, and India came together to rotate command of a fleet of 15 battleships in the region. (6) On top of this, the best current example of this departure from the Bush doctrine can be seen in Libya, where the president has a made a solid commitment to favor international cooperation and downplay the United States as a lone wolf. First, we waited for the Arab League to invite us to take action. Then we got the U. N. Security Council to authorize that action. And then we insisted that the air war be undertaken and commanded by NATO, not by ourselves. By winning agreement from NATO allies to assume command of the fight and securing a UN Security Council resolution authorizing â€Å"all necessary means,† Obama began the Libyan conflict by cementing global legitimacy and conflict sharing from many of its coalition members. (13) By â€Å"leading from behind,† the U. S. as able to strategically use its highly advanced military technology in order to open the door for a largely European suffocation of the Libyan enemies. In summation, American Foreign Policy in the hands of Obama does not have the massive makeover from the Bush Doctrine that Obama promised during his campaign. While there are a few fundamental changes, as evidenced with the lean towards multilateralism, there are still several continui ng Bush-era policies within his administration. When it comes to the drone strikes, Obama has seemingly ramped up their usage after many thought he would iscontinue them. There is also evidence of continued Bush policies in Guantanamo Bay and his promises against Syria based on chemical weapons usage. Despite these similarities, Obama maintains a 49% positive view from the world, while Bush left with only 28%. An interesting next step in the comparison of Foreign Policy from Bush to Obama would be exploring the differences in popularity between the two. I can only speculate that Bush may be a little bitter about his successor’s enduring global likeability. Works Cited 1. Byers, Dylan. Obamas Drones, Eisenhowers Poison.   Politico. N. p. , 29 Apr. 2013. Web. 2. Jackson, David. Bush Lawyer Defends Obama on Drones.   USA Today. Gannett, 8 Mar. 2013. Web. 07 May 2013. 3. Covert War on Terror the Datasets.   The Bureau of Investigative Journalism RSS. N. p. , 10 Aug. 2011. Web. 07 May 2013. 4. Covert War on Terror the Datasets.   The Bureau of Investigative Journalism RSS. N. p. , 3 Jan. 2013. Web. 07 May 2013. 5. Krauthammer, Charles. In Defense of Obamas Drone War.   Washington Post. N. p. , 14 Feb. 2013. Web. 07 May 2013. 6. Patrick, Stewart M. Council on Foreign Relations.   Council on Foreign Relations. N. p. , 29 Mar. 2011. Web. 07 May 2013. 7. Lyman, John. President Obama’s Multilateralism: Its Effectiveness and Weaknesses.   International Policy Digest. N. p. , 27 Mar. 2011. Web. 07 May 2013. 8. Cortright, David. A Major Win for Obamas Libya Policy.   CNN. Cable News Network, 22 Aug. 2011. Web. 07 May 2013. 9. Ghosh, Bob, and Mark Thompson/Washington. The CIAs Silent War in Pakistan.   Time. Time, 1 June 2009. Web. 07 May 2013. 10. AP Staff. Al-Awlaki Killed in Yemen.   Washington Post. N. p. , 30 Sept. 2011. Web. 6 May 2013. 11. Office of the Press Secretary. President Bush Delivers Graduation Speech at West Point.   President Bush Delivers Graduation Speech at West Point. N. p. , 1 June 2002. Web. 07 May 2013. 12. OKeefe, Ed. Obama Takes Issue With Bush Foreign Policy Speech.   ABC News. ABC News Network, 15 May 2008. Web. 07 May 2013. 13. Creamer, Robert. The Qualitative Diff erence Between Obama And Bush Foreign Policy.   The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost. com, 23 June 2011. Web. 07 May 2013.